Saturday, May 17, 2008

الناس لسه بخير



كنت آعد كده فى حتة شعبية على دكّة, وقصادى قاعدة ست مليانة شوية ومنقبة على دكّة. أنا وهى والناس اللى عالدكك حوالينا كلنا مستنظرين أيها شيئ ... آعدة هى وجمبها ست قريبتها على يمينها, وواحدة تانية صاحبتها على شمالها.. وماسكة فى إيديها بتمرجح إبنها الرضيع؛ واد مكلبظ كدا وهادى أوى و جميل..عمال بيضحكلى هو وأمه من تحت النقاب .... مافيش تلت ساعة عدت والولية راحت فاجئة واخدة
...!الواد تحت ملايتها وإبتدت عينى عينك كده ترضّعه

المعروف إن الفلاحين عندنا طول عمرهم بيرضّعوا ولادهم فى أى حتة عامة من غير أى عيب أو كسوف ... واللى عايز أقولة هنا إن تحت الحجاب والنقاب وكل الهباب
.اللى الناس بقت تلبسه اليومين دول .. الناس لسه بخير

Tuesday, April 15, 2008

You've gotta love Aljazeera's bosses

They are good at what they do...



...and blame AJ loyalists for being fools.

* el-Masry el-Yom.

Sunday, March 23, 2008

Introduction (post mortem)

Did you know that a certain Mr. Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoevsky had a blog? He did I tell you; and this is how he introduced it...

On the twentieth of December I learned that everything had been settled and that I was the editor of The Citizen. This extraordinary event—extraordinary for me at least (I don’t wish to offend anyone)—came about in a rather simple fashion, however. On the twentieth of December I had just read in the Moscow News the account of the wedding of the Chinese emperor; it left a strong impression on me. This magnificent and, apparently, extremely complex event also came about in a remarkably simple fashion: every last detail of the affair had been provided for and decreed a thousand years ago in nearly two hundred volumes of ceremonial. Comparing the enormity of the events in China with my own appointment as editor, I felt a sudden sense of ingratitude to our Russian practices, despite the ease with which my appointment had been confirmed. And I thought that we, that is, Prince Meshchersky and I, would have found it incomparably more advantageous to publish The Citizen in China. Everything is so clear over there….On the appointed day we both would have presented ourselves at China’s Main Administration for Press Affairs. After kowtowing and licking the floor, we would rise, raise our index fingers, and respectfully bow our heads. The Plenipotentiary-in-Chief for Press Affairs would, of course, pretend to take no more notice of us than he would of an errant fly. But the Third Assistant to the Third Secretary would rise, holding the warrant of my appointment as editor, and would pronounce in an impressive but gentle voice the admonition prescribed by the ceremonial. It would be so clear and so comprehensible that we both would be immensely pleased to hear it. Were I in China and were I stupid and honest enough, when taking on the editorship and acknowledging my own limited abilities, to experience fear and pangs of conscience, someone would at once prove to me that I was doubly stupid to entertain such feelings and that from that very moment I would have no need of intelligence at all, assuming I had had any in the first place; on the contrary, it would be far better if I had none at all. And without a doubt, this would be a most pleasant thing to hear. Concluding with the fine words: “Go thou, Editor; henceforth thou mayest eat rice and drink tea with thy conscience newly set at rest,” the Third Assistant to the Third Secretary would hand me a beautiful warrant printed in gold letters on red silk. Prince Meshchersky would pass over a substantial bribe, and the two of us would go home and immediately put out such a magnificent edition of The Citizen as we could never publish here. In China we would put out an excellent publication.

I suspect, however, that in China Prince Meshchersky would certainly have tricked me by inviting me to be editor; he would have done it mainly so that I could stand in for him at the Main Administration of Press Affairs whenever he was summoned to have his heels beaten with bamboo sticks. But I would outsmart him: I would at once stop publication of Bismarck and would myself commence writing articles so excellent that I would be summoned to the bamboo sticks only after every other issue. I would learn to write, however.

I would be an excellent writer in China; here, that sort of thing is much more difficult. There, everything has been anticipated and planned for a thousand years ahead, while here everything is topsy-turvy for a thousand years. There I would have no choice but to write clearly. So that I’m not sure who would read me. Here, if you want people to read you it’s better to write so that no one understands. Only in the Moscow News do they write column-and-a-half editorials and—to my astonishment—they are written clearly, even if they are the products of a well-known pen. In The Voice such editorials go on for eight, ten, twelve, and even thirteen columns. And so you see how many columns you must use up in order to win respect.

In Russia, talking to other people is a science; at first glance, at least, it seems just the same as in China. Here, as there, there are a few very simplified and purely scientific techniques. Formerly, for instance, the words “I don’t understand a thing” meant only that the person who uttered them was ignorant; now they bring great honor. One need only say, proudly and with a frank air, “I don’t understand religion; I don’t understand anything about Russia; I don’t understand anything about art,” and immediately you place yourself above the crowd. And it’s especially good if you really don’t understand anything.

But this simplified technique proves nothing. In essence, each one of us in Russia, without thinking much about it, suspects that everyone else is ignorant and never asks, conversely, “What if I’m the one who’s ignorant, in fact?” It’s a situation that ought to please us all, and yet no one is pleased and everyone gets angry. Indeed, sober thought in our time is all but impossible: it costs too much. It is true that people buy ready-made ideas. They are sold everywhere, and even given away; but the ones that come free of charge prove to be even more expensive, and people are already beginning to realize that. The result is benefit to none and the same old disorder.

We are, if you like, the same as China, but without her sense of order. We are barely beginning the process that is already coming to an end in China. No doubt we will reach that same end, but when? In order to get a thousand volumes of ceremonial so as at last to win the right not to think deeply about anything, we must experience at least another thousand years of sober thought. And there you have it—no one wants to hasten this term because no one wants to think.

Something else that is true: if no one wants to think, then, it would seem, so much the easier for the Russian writer. Indeed, it really is easier; and woe to the writer and publisher who in our time begins to think soberly. It’s even worse for one who decides to study and to understand things on his own, and still worse for one who makes a sincere declaration of his intention. And if he declares that he has already managed to understand a tiny smidgen and wants to express his ideas, then everyone quickly drops him. The only thing he can do is to seek out some suitable individual, or even hire one, and simply talk to him and to him alone. Perhaps he can publish a magazine for that one individual. It’s a loathsome situation, because it amounts to talking to yourself and publishing a magazine only for your own amusement. I strongly suspect that for a long time yet The Citizen will have to talk to itself and appear only for its own amusement. Remember that medical science considers talking to oneself a sign of predisposition to insanity. The Citizen certainly must speak to citizens, and that is precisely its whole dilemma!

And so this is the sort of publication with which I have become involved. My situation is as uncertain as it can be. But I shall talk to myself and for my own amusement, in the form of this diary, whatever may come of it. What shall I talk about? About everything that strikes me and sets me to thinking. If I should find a reader and, God forbid, an opponent, I realize that one must be able to carry on a conversation and know whom to address and how to address him. I shall try to master this skill because among us, that is to say, in literature, it is the most difficult one of all. Besides, there are different kinds of opponents: one cannot strike up a conversation with every one. I’ll tell you a story I heard the other day. They say it is an ancient fable, perhaps even of Indian origin, and that’s a very comforting thought.

Once upon a time the pig got into a quarrel with the lion and challenged him to a duel. When the pig came home he thought the matter over and lost his nerve. The whole herd assembled to consider the matter and announced their decision as follow: “Now then, brother pig, there is a wallow not far from here; go and have a good roll in it and then proceed to the duel. You’ll see what happens.”

The pig did just that. The lion arrived, took a sniff, wrinkled up his nose, and walked away. And for a long time thereafter the pig boasted that the lion had turned tail and fled the field of battle.

That’s the fable. Of course we don’t have any lions here—we don’t have the climate for them and they’re too grand a thing for us in any case. But in place of the lion put an honest person, such as each of us is obliged to be, and the moral comes out the same.

Apropos of that, I’ll tell you another little story.

Once when speaking with the late Herzen I paid him many compliments on his book From the Other Shore. To my great pleasure, Mikhail Petrovich Pogodin heaped praise on this same book in his excellent and most curious article about his meeting abroad with Herzen. The book is written in the form of a dialogue between Herzen and his opponent.

“What I especially like,” I remarked in passing, “is that your opponent is also very clever. You must agree that in many instances he backs you right to the wall.”

“Why that’s the essence of the whole piece,” laughed Herzen. “I’ll tell you a story. Once when I was in St. Petersburg, Belinsky dragged me off to his place and sat me down to listen to him read an article, ‘A Conversation Between Mr. A and Mr. B,’ that he had written in some heat. (You can find it in his Collected Works.) In this article, Mr. A., who is Belinsky himself, of course, is made out to be very clever, while his opponent, Mr. B., is rather shallow. When Belinsky had finished reading, he asked me with feverish anticipation:

“‘Well, what do you think?’

“‘Oh, it’s fine, very fine, and it’s obvious that you are very clever. But whatever made you waste your time talking to a fool like that?’

“Belinsky threw himself on the sofa, buried his face in a pillow, and shouted, laughing for all he was worth:

“‘Oh, you’ve got me there, you really have!’”

Thursday, March 06, 2008

The Oligarchs have got the jitters


The Oligarchs have made their decision...Let the powerhouses of liberty and free speech follow the lead of Saturday Night Live's transparent and ill-humoured cue to the Hillary campaign, and let them all but ignore Obama's 12-state winning streak that led into, and the upcoming thrashing his campaign will likely give Hillary's again in Wyoming and Mississippi the week after, "Crucial Tuesday"...and let Hillary bask in the glories of her imaginary triumph that gave her a mere 12 delegate gain to trail Obama's current 101 delegate lead...and let her graciously offer her defeated opponent a chance to be her running-mate in November...and let the super delegates be influenced by the Oligarchs' flamboyantly grand decision...Let them do all this, for their efforts are transparent.

The Oligarchs have got the jitters...not in fear of Obama's message of change; for it is open to argument how much or how little his message of change actually represents, and it's certainly up for argument whether his proposed changes would be a good or bad thing for America - they are afraid mostly of the mandate he will be given by the coalition he appears capable of forming to make that change, if he and his voter-base so choose.

It appears now that Bill Clinton sure knew what he was talking about when he said that Jesse Jackson's win in South Carolina didn't propel him to the Democratic ticket in the end. But what I think is most at stake here is for the big shots to do some deep soul-searching for what it would ultimately mean to America for them to override the idea of the American dream; in front of all eyes and in the very heart of American country.

But what I say is nonsense in the end...

The poor Hillary segment:

Monday, February 18, 2008

لا للنووى - رابع مرّة

.. (وادى هو ستات تانية محترمة بتتكلم (مافيش عندنا رجالة محترمين كتير ليام دى
:"وتولول بأعلى صوتها وتقول: "لا, لا للنووى يا جدعان

صباح الفل يا بلد٠٠٠٠استمعوا إليه

دق الدكتور محمد البرادعي ناقوس الخطر.. فهل تنصتون إليه؟!

قال لي الرجل الذي يرأس الوكالة الدولية للطاقة الذرية منذ عشر سنوات وحتي الآن: إن مصر لا تزال تحتاج لدراسات جدوي علمية جادة، وخطة متكاملة للأمان النووي قبل أن تبدأ في برنامجها والسلامة.

قال الرجل: إن الدراسات القائمة لم تكتمل بعد، وإن البنية التحتية غير موجودة، وإن أسئلة كثيرة لابد من الإجابة عليها أولا.. من ضمنها تحديد نوع الطاقة التي نحتاجها، ولماذا نريد طاقة نووية، إضافة إلي العائد الاقتصادي، والأهم هو أولويات الإنفاق في المجتمع.

وقال البرادعي وبكل صراحة وصدق وأمانة: إن الوكالة لن تعطي مصر الضوء الأخضر لتنفيذ برنامجها إلا إذا استكملت الدراسات واستكملت المنظومة الأمنية.

البرادعي قال ذلك علي شاشة التليفزيون المصري وأمام الملايين، كما قاله أيضا للمسؤولين في الاجتماعات المغلقة وعلي رأسهم الرئيس مبارك.. فالقضية النووية لا يمكن العبث بها.. ولايمكن أن نتعامل معها مثل توشكي وشرق التفريعة وغيرهما من مشاريع ننفق عليها المليارات ثم نقول: معلهش دراسات الجدوي طلعت خطأ!!

أن يكون لنا برنامج نووي... هو قرار علمي اقتصادي فني قبل أن يكون قرارا سياسيا.. «القرار السياسي يجب أن يكون مبنيا علي اعتبارات فنية وعلمية وليس العكس».

اقتصاديا يجب أن نعرف جدواه.. ندرسه جيداً، فالمحطة الواحدة تكلف ملياري دولار - بالتأكيد ستوفر طاقة لمدة تتراوح ما بين ٤٠ - ٦٠ عاما، لكن السؤال هو: أي نوع من الطاقة؟ وما هي أولويات المجتمع؟ وهل نحتاج لهذا النوع من الطاقة بالذات أم أن هناك بدائل أخري؟

جملة مهمة قالها البرادعي: «إن الطاقة النووية ليست عنوان التقدم العلمي» فالتقدم يكون عن طريق مراكز الأبحاث.. وهناك دول متقدمة كثيرة مثل إيطاليا، النمسا، النرويج، وأستراليا لا تستخدم الطاقة النووية.. (٣٠ دولة فقط تستخدم الطاقة النووية حول العالم) كما أن هناك علي الجانب الآخر دولا نامية تهتم بالطاقة النووية مثل الصين والهند. القرار إذن يأتي بعد الدراسة وليس العكس.

ويدخل في الدراسة موقع المحطات.. فالضبعة كانت الموقع المختار منذ عشرين عاما. الآن الأمر يحتاج إلي دراسة جديدة خاصة بعد تأكد تأثيرات التغيرات المناخية علي السواحل وحزام الزلازل وغير ذلك كثير.

أما التحذير الأكبر الذي كرره البرادعي دون تردد فهو المنظومة الأمنية.. فسجل الأمان المصري حدث ولا حرج، ولا يمر يوم دون حوادث علي طرق أو مركب أو قطارات.. فما بالك بمحطة نووية الحادثه فيها لا تقتل فقط.. بل تخلف إشعاعات تدمر البيئة والإنسان والحيوان.. لسنوات قادمة.. بدون هذه المنظومة الأمنية المحكمة.. لا يجب أن نبدأ في أي مشروع نووي ولا نفكر فيه.

كلام البرادعي لا يجب أن يزعج القائمين علي البرنامج النووي المصري.. فالرجل يضع الحقائق جميعها علي المائدة أمامنا، وعلينا اتخاذ القرار.. ومرة أخري القرار هنا لا يجب أن يكون قرارا سياسيا، فالحكاية ليست نصرًا جديدًا للحزب الوطني او للحكومة.. ليست مشروعًا نوويا نهرع جميعًا خلفه ونظنه السد العالي الجديد، الحكاية ليست معركة مع البنك الدولي والمؤسسات الأجنبية.. كما كانت في الماضي.

الأمر هنا أكبر من ذلك وأخطر، قد نحتاج بالفعل إلي مصادر أخري للطاقة.. وقد تكون تلك هي الطاقة النووية.. لكن علينا أولا أن نتأكد من ذلك.. وأن يكون لدينا جهاز رقابي مستقل يدرس ذلك، غير تابع للحكومة وغير تابع للحزب الحاكم.. والأهم أن تكون لدينا المنظومة الأمنية المتكاملة.. بلا أخطاء بشرية، بلا اختراقات، بلا أعذار..

فالخطأ هنا لن يدفع ثمنه أشخاص، بل مجتمع بأكمله.. ولسنوات طوال.

البرنامج النووي.. ليس توشكي.. البرنامج النووي ليس شرق التفريعة.. البرنامج النووي - أيضا - ليس السد العالي.. قد يكون المشروع الأهم.. وقد لا يكون.. أرجوكم ادرسوه جيداً.. قبل القرار.. واستمعوا إلي محمد البرادعي... مرة واحدة، استمعوا إلي حديث العقل.. قبل إقامة الاحتفالات وإطلاق الأغنيات: نووي يا نووي.


* * *

وشكر خاص وتقدير لصراحة السيد محمد البرادعى … وأكاد أقول (وأقِر!) إن الراجل بيتكلم كمواطن مصرى قلبه عالبلد أولاً.. قبل ما يكون المدير العام لهيئة الطائة النووية.

Friday, February 15, 2008

Squandering victory

لا تهينوا منتخبنا القومي..علي عتبات الأغنياء أو شواطئ الخليج

فوجئت مثل غيري.. بمنتخب مصر.. وبعد أربع وعشرين ساعة فقط من قدومه إلي القاهرة حاملا كبرياء مصر وكأس أمم أفريقيا.. وقد شحنوه في طائرة خاصة إلي دبي ليتم تكريمه هناك.. وحزنت مثل غيري.. وأنا أري منتخب بلادي يدير ظهره لملايين المصريين الذين رقصوا في الشوارع والبيوت فرحا بانتصاراته ليتجمع مسؤولوه ولاعبوه لأول مرة بعد بطولة الأمم علي شاطئ خليج العرب والذهب.. وليس في مصر.. ليس في استاد القاهرة أو تحت قبة برلمان مصر أو علي شاشة تليفزيوناتها أو فوق أوراق صحافتها.. أو حتي في أي شارع أو ميدان في القاهرة أو أي مدينة مصرية.. وانجرحت مثل غيري.. بعدما اكتشفت أنني كنت واهما حين تخيلت أنني.. وكل طفل وشيخ وفتاة ورجل وامرأة في مصر.. شركاء في هذا الانتصار..
وأن هذه الكأس ملك لنا جميعا.. وأننا كلنا سنتقاسم معا كل هذا الكبرياء.. إلا أنه لم تمض إلا أربع وعشرون ساعة فقط ليصدمني واقع شديد المرارة وتفاجئني حقيقة واحدة بدت ظاهرة وساطعة وباقية.. وهي أننا نعيش في وطن لا يزال فيه من يتخيلون أنهم بإمكانهم بيع هذا الوطن لكل من يدفع.. وأن هناك من يستطيع الاستغناء عن كرامتنا كلنا وعن كبريائنا واحترام الناس لنا مقابل أظرف محشوة بالمال أو ساعات الذهب.. وانكسرت مثل غيري..
وأنا أري لاعبينا الكبار.. نجوم مصر وأفريقيا الذين كسبوا الكأس واحترام العالم كله.. وقد أجلسوهم في مدرجات أحد ملاعب دبي وكأنهم أطفال الملجأ حين تقيم إحدي المؤسسات أو الشركات الكبري حفلة تكريم.. فنجومنا الكبار جلسوا.. وكل منهم يرتدي التريننج سوت تماما مثل البيجاما التي يرتديها طفل الملجأ.. وبجانب كل لاعب منهم ثلاثة كراتين فيها الهدايا التي حصل عليها تماما مثلما يجلس أطفال الملجأ وكل منهم يحمل هديته فوق ركبتيه.. وللترفيه عن نجومنا الكبار جاءوا بمطربين شعبيين للغناء بنفس أسلوب ومنطق الترفيه عن أطفال الملاجئ.. وتساءلت مثل غيري: لماذا يقبل سمير زاهر ذلك؟
لماذا ينهار هكذا فجأة أمام إغراء المال والهدايا وهو الرجل الذي دخل تاريخ الكرة في بلادنا كأنجح رئيس لاتحاد الكرة في مصر بحكم الإنجازات والبطولات التي حققها سمير زاهر لمصر وللكرة في مصر؟ وأرجو ألا يقول لي أحد إنها كانت دعوة كريمة من الشيخ محمد بن راشد ولم يكن من اللائق رفضها.. فهذا حق يراد به باطل..
فاللياقة الحقيقية كانت تقتضي أن يحضر الشيخ محمد بن راشد إلي القاهرة ليقدم هداياه للاعبي المنتخب وللسادة أعضاء اتحاد الكرة.. أو كان من الممكن إبلاغ الشيخ محمد بأن المنتخب سيلبي الدعوة ولكن بعد أن يتم تكريمه في مصر أولا ومن المصريين جميعهم قبل السفر إلي دبي.. خاصة أن هدايا الشيخ لن تضيع والأموال قد يتأخر تسلمها ولكنها لن تذهب لجيوب آخرين.. وآه يا وطني.. كلما بدأت أنا وغيري نعلي رأسنا وندرك ونوقن أننا كبار.. يجيء من يصر علي أننا لا نزال صغارا.. أقزاما وسط عمالقة.. شحاذين وسط شيوخ وأغنياء.. فقراء يشحنهم النبلاء في طائرات خاصة وقتما يشاءون، وكيفما يريدون ونحن لا نملك إلا الطاعة والاستسلام.. آه يا مصر.. يا سوق اللحم والفرجة لكل الدول الأخري.. لكنك يا بلدي.. بالرغم من الدول الأخري.. بلدي.

Not to exaggerate the rhetoric or cast doubt on the good naturedness of the prince's invitation to honour the team - and I think his statements sought to express this - I agree with the writer that this episode was inappropriate on the whole.

...خاصة لما تسمع أغانى أطفال السعودية فى حب مصر

(.. قال كوبرى قال شلّة الحلاليف قال , قال)

Tuesday, February 12, 2008

مبروك لمصر

Wednesday, January 30, 2008

نعم لإستقلال القضاء

سبق وعبّرت عن استيائى من تصريحات بعض القضاة هنا وهنا, ولذلك برحب ومتفائل بنتائج الانتخابات
:الأخيرة لرئاسة نادى قضاة الاسكندرية وبتصريحات السيد المستشار رئيسه الجديد

وماذا عن السبب الثاني وراء ترشيحك؟ *

يتعلق برغبة الزملاء والذين ألحوا علي لترشيح نفسي بعد تدهور الأوضاع خصوصا في الثلاث سنوات الماضية وهو ما جعلني أوافق حيث وجدت أن احترام رجل الشارع للقضاء قد انخفض كثيرا مؤخرا بمعني أنه قد حدثت تجاوزات عديدة ضد القضاء واعتداءات علي رجاله حتي داخل المحاكم، وما حدث من أقارب عماد الجلدة خير شاهد علي ذلك،

فالقضاء ينبغي أن يكون في مكان أسمي وفي منصة عالية، بالبعد عن الصغائر وعن التجاوزات التي حدثت مثل اتشاح القضاة بأوسمة القضاء علي قارعة الطريق، ورفع العلم الأسود فوق ساري النادي ووقوف سيدات قيل عنهن إنهن زوجات رجال القضاء في وقفات احتجاجية، ولعلمك فإن الأوسمة لا ينبغي الاتشاح بها إلا في الجلسات العلنية بالمحاكم،

ولا يكون ذلك في غير المكان المحدد له، والدولة فيها سلطات ثلاث والمفروض أن كل سلطة مستقلة، ولا يجوز لرئيس النادي أن يتهم أعضاء السلطة التشريعية بلفظ يستاءون منه، فنحن لا نقبل أن تتهمنا السلطة التشريعية بذلك، وهو الأمر الذي اضطر معه (يقصد الخضيري) للتوجه إلي مارينا لتقديم اعتذاره عما بدر منه، كما ظهر في برنامج تليفزيوني ليبدي ندمه وأسفه علي ذلك، فلماذا نخطئ ونضطر للاعتذار..

إن كرامة القاضي تمنعه من أن ينزلق إلي ذلك والمفروض أن القاضي يترفع ويزن كلماته بميزان ذهب، ولا يمكن لكلمة أن يحررها في مقال قطعا أنه قرأه وراجعه عدة مرات مثلما حدث في اتهامه للمستشار ممدوح مرعي وزير العدل وتوجيه الاتهامات إليه وتناوله بعبارات ماسة كالصفع والركل وغيره، ثم الاعتذار والمطالبة بحمل الجنسية الموريتانية والتخلي عن جنسيته المصرية وترشيحه لعمرو موسي رئيسا للجمهورية بدلا من الرئيس مبارك،

كل هذه الأمور وغيرها مما قد لا أتذكره قد أساءت كثيرا إلي رجال القضاء، خصوصا في الإسكندرية التي كان يرأس ناديها وكان الكثير من أصدقائي يسألونني إلي متي ستتركونه يمارس هذه التجاوزات التي تضر ولا تنفع وتهز محراب القضاء، فكان لابد من أن أتقدم للمساعدة علي التغيير سيما أنني أرغب في أن أكمل العطاء حتي تنتهي مدة خدمتي في القضاء كرئيس للنادي.

Tuesday, January 29, 2008

Sidenotes

Mr. Khaled Mesh'al, after cockily leading the Hamas invasion from his remote seat in Damascus (and I think anybody following the news from an unbiased source reporting on the ground - rather than papers relying locally on hearsay "from their domestic sources" for their stories - will clearly see that Hamas calculatingly exploited a crisis to push a political agenda of its own; or in Mahmoud Zahar’s own words: "Sometimes it's necessary to create a crisis to settle another one." That genius concept of Palestinian diplomacy. A crisis, I may add, that Hamas, together with the asshole Olmert, and that other branch of Palestinian resistance Fatah, is largely responsible for creating in the first place), will be arriving in Cairo soon to set his terms. I hope that President Mubarak, after receiving his guest, bids him farewell with a befitting boot in the ass.

As for our anarchists who cheered on agda3 nas's shooting and pelting of our "pigs", and the other ridiculous individuals who felt ashamed by them "to be Egyptian" for their trying to do their job and guard the borders, I think the next time they take up the cause of the poor villagers of Orsaya, or the farmers of Dekerness, I'll take their words with a grain of salt; I assure them that each one of these people had at one point in their lives fulfilled their civic service as a "pig". And each one of these pigs serving now in Rafah does have a family to get back to once again at the end of the day.

Monday, January 28, 2008

Flashback

Over two years ago in my very first blog post I wrote:

There is a difference between using rhetoric as a tactical means to achieve political ends, and between inflating rhetoric until it becomes so big, that it develops a life of its own and its own speaker becomes afraid to confront it. And yet the key thing to know here is that, despite appearances, it does not really develop a life of its own: it's only a balloon, inflated further and further only by the authors' fear to confront it. And it becomes so big until it obstructs their vision from seeing what is actually happening on the ground; in this case, the influx of Palestinians into Sinai and the threat to Egyptian national security that this represents.

One of Israel's age-old arguments since its foundation has been that the Arab world is so big that it can afford to settle the occupied and stateless Palestinians in its own territories - in this case among them, the Sinai - and in so doing, ending the 'Palestinian question' and the trouble resulting from its occupation. And perhaps the biggest reason for its withdrawal is its leaders' realistic recognition of its long-term inability to cope with the growing problems of overpopulation and poverty in Gaza. And yet while Israel confronted this situation by cutting its losses and withdrawing, the Egyptian government seems to have incoherently responded by opening its border full swing. Unlike the Israelis, we Egyptians were neither given a referendum to ask our opinion over the details of the matter, nor given a clue about what is going on - even a month after the border was officially inaugurated on the 25th of November. We do not know for sure how many Palestinians crossed into Sinai, and we do not have an idea of how many still remain on this side and have settled with their kin. We do not know what the border deal entails...again, we were told in the news that the Rafah border will be the gate of the Palestinians to the outside world, but we were told nothing about what this for Egypt particularly means.

I am sure Egyptians can only be happy for the new prospects this may entail for Palestinians, from newfound ability to travel abroad, to attracting foreign investment and wealth to the Gaza strip and creating new job opportunities for its inhabitants. But Egypt, whose unemployed population runs at 10.9 % of its labour force (and I think is a moderate estimate), or 2.25 million people, towers over Gaza’s total population of 1.3 million as a whole, and cannot afford to sacrifice critically needed jobs to its neighbours. And our neighbours of the overpopulated Gaza strip, whose borders are now freely open to Egypt, are now geographically closer and may find it easier to make it to the tourist and the less dense population centres in Sinai than can the bulk of the Egyptian population of the Nile Valley, who ironically have to go through a hell of their own of security checkpoints just to make it into Sinai themselves. Will all this in the long term spell a demographic, and even political, change in the future of the Sinai? The opaqueness of the Egyptian political process and the absurdity of both the governmental press and that of the opposition have left us in the dark over matters that are of utmost importance to the country's national security...And I, for one, am dumfounded and confused. There are probably strong immigration laws in place in Egypt to prevent such scenarios from happening, but can the bribery of local officials and Bedouin-facilitated human trafficking find their way around them? It is a tough border to control after all, as Israel failed to locate all the tunnels used to smuggle weapons across the border.

In the end I must say that I reserve my right to be wrong about these speculations, because I am left stumbling in the dark...and this anxiety of opaqueness is the biggest problem after all.
Prophet Seneferu has struck again, but unlike some low-lives this gives me no reason to rejoice.